Translation of "city sinks"

jouffiaaan, “city sinks”, public translation into English from English More about this translation.

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The city is sinking

H. K.


"(Valle de México) is consolidated over an old hydrographic basin, profoundly dissected, that was drained south (into the old Amacuzac River), and that got blocked by the Chichinautzin mountain chain around 500000 years ago. The lacustrine sediments of the site are considered highly comprehensible and generate too many problems in the cementation for any construction wished to be done in Mexico City (Díaz Rodríguez, 1998) … It is important to make a study of its sinking, the cracking and the displacements or lateral deformations that Mexico City's soil is suffering considering that it is provoking problems, not only economical thanks to the damages caused directly over the urban infrastructure, but also those that come alongside with social and legal problems due to the risk implied in living in zones where these phenomenons are latent and are also capable of provoking floods where human losses have been registered.”

how many layers of history stand beneath my feet right now?

“ Mexico City is right now experimenting a considerable sinking of over 30 cm each year in some areas of the metropolitan area. These phenomenon presented since more than a century ago and in the last years it has been incrementing principally by the intensification of the bombing of water for the supplying of drinkable water…”

Mexico City is sinking inside of its many linings of histories and (historical) violences. It is produced by the accumulation of diverse weights and psychosocial, political or economical forces that started boiling long ago in this enormous city (which foundation dates back to 1325). It is a crushing force and a manifestation of something mundane and real: literally its buildings, plazas and streets are being sucked by its underground forces, swallowed by its own swampy land.

“ One of the principal factors that is generating cracks on the lacustrian sediments is the mechanical unbalance caused by the alteration of the physical properties of the system in short terms. Natural phenomenons act as mechanisms that generate fractures, like the seismic activities and the drownings caused by torrential rains; nevertheless, the most important mechanisms are the processes provoked by human activity.”

The city is going through an expanded crisis, its signs and symptoms are present in every existential gesture. The domination network tries to asphyxiate us second by second as part of its dynamic of urban reproduction (of production and consumption). It is difficult to break with the superfluous rhythm of the city and it is complicated to go beyond the ways (habits) we already know, the routine not letting us to easily transit through more profound routes, through those paths that stay more occult and are perceived as faint or opaque. Our senses disguised by a world of commodities.

“The analysis of the horizontal component of the tectonic movements is of vital importance; nevertheless in Mexico City the grounds cannot be simply classified, because the sediments that compose them are heterogeneous, volcanic, lacustrine with a proportion and variety of microfossils that form part of the microstructure of the ground (Díaz Rodriguez, 1998).”

I live in this black hole that swallows even the heaviest buildings of modernity and its institutionalized revolution, of the imported baroque, of the native stones. Hey mom, what buildings tumbled down the morning of the 19th September, 1985?

From the nucleus of catastrophe, life boils in Monster City, Corpse City, Compost City: destiny lays over a mirror of civilization held by spilled blood and recklessness. A Dried lake and home of millions, Mexico City is deeply sinking into time and space with all of its inhabitants inside the irrational vortex of creative destruction that makes its daily routine happen.


As opposed to what is usually said, catastrophe’s time is not in the future, but in the present, which we can only grasp as the past, because it flows, just as the waters of the Flood: time itself is catastrophic. Catastrophe is what already happened, no matter how long ago – it happened in prehistory, or it’s happening right now, although people are still expecting some bigger, ultimate catastrophe in the future, as if the previous ones did not really count. I want to make this point as clear as possible. Our collective imagination, overwhelmed by all kinds of pictures and scenarios of a future final collapse – be it another world war, Armageddon, an alien invasion, an epidemic or a pandemic, a zombie virus, a robot uprising, an ecological or natural catastrophe – is nothing but projections of this past-present.

Oxana Timofeeva, The end of the world. From Apocalypse to the end of the history and back

In the crossing of Eje Central with Madero street, the 400 pueblos movement are protesting -naked-, dancing to the rhythm of “La Culebra” (the same song was played back in 1994 during the public meeting where the execution of former PRI presidential candidate Luis Donaldo Colosio occurred). It is an awkward image because the collective nude seems rather gratuitous or quasi impotent, where the ambiguous gesture goes beyond its political revendications and appears as surreal yet invisibilized even in its bareness. Simultaneously, people cross the street without further apparent surprise, maybe because protest is already normalized as part of the contemporary urban landscape, where nakedness goes from being a scandal to function as part of the assimilated daily downtown spectacle: it makes me think of reality as a constant catastrophe that happens and that constant dispossession is evident but still no one is taken by surprise. Life in the city is indeed a catastrophe that we seem to overcome us on a daily basis where violence is at the same time cause and result, a violence that is capable of incorporating itself in many ways and forms and that is completely articulated amongst all the pieces of its present catastrophic capitalist process.

The 400 pueblos movement dances naked to the rhythm of the festive music while cars are passing by their side and cops try to control the traffic fluency without much success (to disrespect traffic lights is kind of a tradition here). In the opposite street corner, the crowd walks without getting distracted and two bodies are formed and confronted and then finally merge. One body is a lake of naked brown bodies that dance under their plastic banners that denounce corruption and repression by local politicians (their demands are too ambiguous and accusations too personal against certain figures). The other body is the inverted mirror of the first body, the body of the multitudes with their clothes on. In front of Bellas Artes Palace, tourists and local spectators observe-document what seems to be a daily scene.

Until where and when may I stretch myself into time to envision the first moment that gave birth to a chain of violences and millennial oppressions that are crystallized in form of images, in these event of naked indígenas dancing to the rhythm of the cars while someone is doing a casual selfie with the protest as the back scenario of its pseudo spontaneous picture?

I imagine that the Centro Histórico of Mexico City is a big black hole absorbed in a historic spiral of daily devastation: from the guerras floridas to the many road killed cyclists of today, sacrifice in urban space is a constant image. From this center-space also known as Zócalo Capitalino, social pacification is orchestrated through institutionalized violence, from the triumph of modernity and progress unmarked now from their supposedly certain virtudes (like once democracy or citizenship where truly acknowledged, nowadays those concepts are merely language-spaces for spectacle and its representative consumption). Today we live the city as a Rotten City: city of palaces, city of invasions, megalopolis where more than 20 million inhabitants survive. The regional financial centre of a whole continent, dumpster next to dumpster, one of the most important fluid intersections of the mutant international geopolitics that makes the global capitalist megamachine possible as a whole. A place that throughout the centuries has centralized the management of the economical-political, religious and civil power over a wide territory named also as Mesoamérica: home at the same time of conqueror and conquered; centralism as a rigid space of explicit hierarchies under the weight of capitalism accumulating everything. Leaders; manipulable and mandatory, slaves of superior powers- whether it is Sun or Money- lords and managers of the great Bureaucracy city at the service of the agonizing and supressessive civilization masters. Huey Tlatoani as an inverted mirror of the Jefe de Gobierno.

Today, Mexico City is the consequence of a brutal agglomeration of colonialism and modern civilization, a great urban corrosive stain extended like a sick greyish skin over the totality of an uncertain body, possibly wounded in an irreversible way- and meanwhile the death-dance continues.


Mexico city has deep and intrinsic problems of infrastructure (like the constant lack of water) and its crisis is visible in an emotional and a material spectrum over our bodies. A fact that makes it almost impossible to have a dignified life in order that the necessary networks to produce shared and daily welfare could sprout and multiply throughout the population. Infrastructure imposed on us also dominates our bodies, the management of infrastructure is designed to fix the separation of our lives from life. Our weary bodies are blocked and the common setting for our vital and self-regulated (chaotic) reproduction is prohibited or condemned, producing a society that constantly forgets the importance of taking collective care of our being in the world; which should concern all humanity as a whole and that is deeply interconnected with nature. In the daily struggle for survival, every day is turned into a harsh challenge that consumes all of our (vital) energies and therefore replicates ad infinitum the constant separation between inhabitants (work, transport, prison and even entertainment all are introduced as parts of the normalized logic where the social component of the cities is diluted up to the point where it seems to almost disappear; communication between people is constantly mediated by shop windows, crystals, plastic displays and opaque mirrors). The government of Mexico City talks of a “social capital” which could sadly and ironically be translated to “the capitalization of all inside the social spectrum”. Our lives are valid only as part of the use and exchange values of financial speculation. Inside a capitalist system our bodies are replaceable ; our lives truly become commodities inside a much more complex and immersive global network that conforms to the larger agro-urban-industrial system. Metropolis' function as centre-holes that consume drastically, without a dynamic of reintegration of all that is produced-distributed-consumed-wasted. The reintegration of waste into nature has not been part of western civilization modus operandi regarding technology. Capitalism has not taken responsibility of the excessive disposals produced by society and then violently and rapidly transformed into junk. A sick process that is a nuclear part of why mega-cities are exponential ecological and social disasters inside a downward spiral of imminent self destruction.

The city pushes an accelerated correlation between infrastructure and it's inhabitants, a relationship that completely disassociates body from urban space, producing an (unhealthy) territory filled with dispossession. Urban routine favours individualist consumers instead of solidarity-based communities. It is thanks to this separation, installed through moral and material conditions, that the rent dictatorship and its almighty private property values proliferates. This total disregard of what may concern the commons. This is a reason why the civil institutions are so keen to show the police force as an essential element to regulate social relationships when conflicts emerge. It may be said that the police are the most evident criminal organization operating in Mexico City. Their task seems to have society at the mercy of corporate authoritarianism: where common folk are constantly subdued to the cravings of a law system built top-to-bottom. They are at the mercy of malicious interpretations of law that officers and judges enact for their own personal benefit and profit, all thanks to the human network of bureaucratic power that creates this efficiency of corruption. That's how I perceive police and all the juridical spectrum, as one of the biggest enemies against the gestation of commonality and liberty inside and outside the city.

It is precisely under these constant attacks from public administrations that the Prison city -with its various incarcerations and glass screens that construct it- is developed. This spacious prison transforms daily into a car-cage, the automobile is a fundamental problem in the actual urban crisis where isolation of the individual is a constant patron. It is ambivalent, because, it permits the ongoing journeys between house and work, a comfy alienating element that allows the logic of capitalism to prevail, to reproduce in a macro economical scale due to the multiplicity of industries that its existence detonates (the exploitation of fossils and other sources for the production of energetics). By the way, the crisis of fossil exploitation - its finite limit and path of devastation - is obvious not only with the monthly rise of gasoline prices but also the PUT SOMETHING HERE ABOUT THE FREE MARKET. Nevertheless, the nationalization of crude oil is not a sustainable anticapitalist proposal, we know that capitalism in its current neoliberal phase has surpassed the Nation-state which, allegedly, is the controller of the international financial markets. Capitalism is now wild loose and in total control of any sovereignty that States control.

The disposable automobile industry is therefore the daily creater of- on one hand -a seductive way of life with whom the imaginary of the urbanitas is severely identified. And on the other hand, it inserts in the market an industry that constantly produces more accessible (economically speaking) ,desired products. The automobile industry (all motorized industries) is beyond its imposed lifestyle, and is one of the most explicit industrial destroyers of the biosphere.

Today, in Mexico City, the ancient rivers are now tides of cars stuck in a massive traffic jam where the promise of a life isolated from its context, worsens. Inside my car, my rules, my music. Inside the metropolitan area more than 3 million cars travel every day. It is the way in which the internalisation of speed culture values dominate our (contradictory) perception of conquered time. The automobile technology separates us under the trick of connection: few are really communicating ( in the sense of direct implication with others). Our transport is not only a constantly mediated temporal burden, it is also a menace to the sustainability of the biosphere, due to the industrial framework that it's production-cycle involves. It is the decline of an era that their advocates will do the impossible to sustain; making it easy to buy cars thanks to micro-credits and debts, seducing the urban precarious class to invest their life in the maintenance of their right to a daily ride in a car, a synonym of status, connectivity and non-stop mobility. On the other hand, public transportation is deficient and limited. It turns out to be a daily torture in which the great majority of the population is restrained because it is through this network that home is linked to the working and entertainment centres, and where the experience of the city happens. It may be true that a certain “cultural fetichization” of the metro network exist as part of a “local pride”. Still it would be difficult to find someone that does not denounces the overcrowding in rush hours, the rising of the ticket price ( crisis that detonated in 2014 the urban revolt known as “#posmesalto”), evident corruption in the construction of new lines ( like the white collar scandal of corruption that revolved around the construction of the golden line 2009-2014) or the daily burnout and violence that transporting implies to people. Without doubts, in a profound analysis of the motorized transport we may discern the genesis of the actual global environmental crisis. It has been in its implementation one of the greatest victories of a certain euroamerican way of life that translates into an actual planetarian catastrophe.

The continual shape shifting of capitalism frames the constant reordering of the urban territories. The city is constituted from centralized zones where capital is accumulated, and its totalitarian trace crystallises mobility between working and consumption centres. In neoliberal cities, transport day by day looses its efficiency- presented as comfortable and subtle - turning "fluidity" into a present hell for those who have to spend hours stopped-while-moving as they wait to get to work-school-leisure-home. Simulaneously, self-exploitation is produced in daily transportation - routes cost money with every ride you take: rides that in reality only mean daily exhaustion of our bodies and minds leading to disconnection. We lose our free time while free time is turned into living labor. Time for pleasure is stolen from us, life goes by in constant waiting and fast immobility. The communication routes and lines in the city are organized by state and private corporations, the journeys and transport are the veins in which bodies-commodities flow through space as the daily manifestation of capitalism as a rhythmic urban experience. Our individuality and its mobility drives us through the city as pieces of a social megamachine that needs our temporal effectivity to fully reproduce. It needs our bodies to move, our bodies to consume, coming and going through our desires. It needs our interaction between other fragmented bodies of the same machine. This machine is also a mental machine. Temporal delays, so common in this city, is a constant threat for the interests that capitalism has over our bodies (taking in account that in an economy of disaster as ours, delays are expected and even managed). Our bodies are indeed the carnic vehicles of capitalism as a circulation machine and is fueled with self-exploitation. This perverse dynamism between flexible and rigid workflows produce an informal-mafia and a formal-bureaucratized economy (profoundly mixed); totally corrupt and co-dependent in its totality by the imposed rhythms of the global market flows. Our bodies are a manifestation of this irrational global market.

Day by day, our vitality is stolen and the result is that we only own our misery, citizens are the owners of nothing, more an automaton than an autonome in the sense that we have become flexible and precarious workers and not much more than that. A generalized dispossession exists in the city even though a big consumerist class also develops in the city (and basically makes the experience of the city to happen) still they don't know nothing apart from debts and credits. The majority of the city presents itself indebted. Those who own something will protect their properties at any cost or will lose it thanks to the voracious market tide that manages through wild competition.

All highways and metro lines, all futuristic cities inside the big old city, all optic fibers, are presented to society as novelties and necessary innovations for possible developments, pretexts to inspire megaprojects inside the urban-agro-industrial complex; in fact they are the germ for the actual dispossession of territories.

For the public opinion, megaprojects are presented as a natural part of the public service infrastructure, essential for the development of the digital economy of a global contemporary city. It is softly and deeply (simultaneously) interconnected with rural areas while devastating the biosphere. To openly oppose capitalist investment in mega-projects infrastructure translates into being in open defiance against the social order and at the same time against the neoliberal projects: producing profiting and favoring only the interests of the business class. So wealth is generated by the exploitation of the city thanks to the constant invention of new public constructions (including as much white collar corruption as possible) only for the benefit of pseudo connectivity, frozen mobility and static transit (of merchandise and bodies as fragmented commodities).

Public works (public parks, metro stops, Eco-bici docks) are indeed financial and real estate bubbles filled with squandering and corruption, and at the same time these public works - because of the traffic jams they produce - drive average citizens to dispair, contradicting in practice the reason why these constructions are supposedly planned at the first place (let's say “ for the (abstract) benefit of free transit"). It is a perversion of a pro-citizenship language which produces an abject reality where concepts are used in an inverted fashion (development means dispossession, etc). Which in turn encourages the environmental devastation for the benefit of few: politicians, businessmen, investors, organic academics, entrepreneurs, etc, never for the benefit of the 'people'. Total privatization shows a double-edge: society has given the public to the State for the management of space and services thanks to the contemporary democratic pact. On the other hand the State- 'naturally empowered' and ideologically to economically impotent - has used its administrative advantage to arrange public spaces as commodities ready to be exploited by the best bidder, surely a rich investor related to the global markets dedicated to promote urban development around the world.

Mexico City has been reformulated by the same colonization conquest and neoliberal instrumentalization, and has been expropriated with the result that “public spaces” are sold to the private sector, transforming them into profitable spaces. In an example of radical dispossession it is happening under certain bridges in Mexico City; they have been transformed into restaurants or self-service stores instead of, let's say, open community canteens or autonomous popular health centres. This aggressive urbanization process -known as gentrification- means not only displacement and dispossession, but also occupation (as armies occupy hostile or enemy territories). Gentrification is the spinal colom of class war.

The proliferation of super highways, new lines on the metro, installment of new street furniture, comes together with the capitalist occupation of land, fields, homes, all spaces. Public works translates into dispossession, displacement through commodification (it is no surprise that the majority of the investors are corporations of foreign capital - mainly Spanish like OHL corporation). Accumulation of territory means destruction of the common space. Certain areas of the city acquire certain exclusivist characteristics that attack the locals, modifying dynamics and relationships. Modernization nowadays is presented as a synonym of displacement for those that cannot or do not identify with this lifestyle or the aspirational level of consumption that is necessary to survive here. Sometimes, this process crystallizes in the eviction of a home for the construction of a hipster restaurant. It is of no coincidence that one of the richest men on earth, mexican Carlos Slim, has restructured the Centro Histórico. Firstly by buying a big quantity of real estate in a small amount of time, then introducing culture as the spearhead of gentrification. [ES NECESSARIO POR CAMBIAS O HACES EL COMENSAR DE ESTA SENTENCE] producing the resistance and struggles of the inhabitants of the zone against this gentrification process.

Overall space is privatized: the social component of cities is blurred quickly in order to reappear as consumption and entertainment. Screens mask the territorial devastation sustained by the social gears that develop the urban-agro-industrial complex. Thirty years after the `85 earthquake - that destroyed an enormous part of the city, and that certainly rearranged the imaginary of the whole city - the housing issue is still pending. The strategies and ways of management used by the neoliberal left finds itself in a crisis after 30 years in power because it prioritizes the interests of urban development instead of nourishing notions or actually housing those in need. Every project implies a process of accumulation by dispossession to the detriment of workers - those who make the city possible.

It is evident that dispossession in cities operates in all scales of the social urban life and that its support infrastructure is much more complex, it implies the introduction of capitalist values in the core and totality of our social relationships. All territories are already in dispute.

“On December 23rd, 2013 the head of the government (jefe de gobierno del distrito federal) Miguel Ángel Mancera, sped up an order in which it is stated that the piece of land that is part of the Asphalt plant, that is since some years ago under control of the Distrito Federal Government (GDF), will cease to be part of the commons to become a Zone of Economical and Social Development (ZODES) under the name of Future City. The project will be in charge of a parastatal enterprise of the Distrito Federal Government “Quality for life, progress and development of Mexico City”, also known as ProCdMX or “Agency for the promotion of investment and development for Mexico City”; a private enterprise that the GDF gives preferences and whose general director is the entrepreneur Simón Levy-Dabbah. According to these executive document for the dissemination of the ZODES Future City project, the intention of the work is to “trigger productive vocations, generate investment, infrastructure and sustainable urban conditions for the qualitative recuperation of specific zones in Mexico City, through a model of territorial management based on strategical association between the public, private and social sectors, oriented to the betterment of life quality in the city”. Meaning that in order to get this done it is necessary to oblige the GDF to create a public-private association. This is the maximum expression of neoliberalism in the city”. (subversiones aac:

From the public administration to the bureaucratic management of the territories, we are denied the chance to self-determine the most basic aspects of life, such as health and education, our security, and our possibility to take decisions that regulate the reproduction of our lives, let´s say, in a climate of common welfare.

We are educated to forget how to transit, communicate, exercise another kind of justice, to produce things without or to produce things outside the official channels and (in)communication media, to exist without the intervention of the private sector. We live under the submissive expectation that - given the weakening and imminent disappearance of the State (the Institutional, Revolutionary state of pseudo-welfare State) - the private initiative is the natural heir that will overtake State functions. That which is taking in charge the administration of the social body, of its mobility, reproduction and mediation of relationships and creative projections. This attack against the autonomous stimulation of the capacity that individuals have to assume responsibility of their well-being in a self-regulated correlation with the urban environment. In a wide sense, this attack against the nourishment of the commons is founded in the type of organization typical of capitalist privatization and a liberal way of life. This is attached economically to a production-consumption cycle based on domination and a total control of the social bodies inside their state-regulated territories; a natural partnership with Capitalist flows. It is inside this porous and absorbent circle, that any self-organizational, autonomous and collective potency, is restricted by Power, however they still exist and it is through self-produced struggle that they do so. It is also a contradictory system which creates fissures that produce innovation that produce exploitation. Inside these disputed territories State and Capital are seeking to interfere in anything that is antagonistic to the capitalist logic, thus trying constantly to dismantle all commoning experiences that subvert its logics.

A crushing reality appears through the repetition and reproduction of the miserable rite that we may all recall under the consume-labor-leisure triad. This incapability of breaking with capitalist logic is incorporated into our lives thanks to a generalized carelessness of our wide territories- nourishment-nutritional-mental and corporeal health, growth of desires, techniques and other knowledge-justice experiences and this incapability of rupturing with the imperant logic is properly stimulated by the division of labor, democracy as a system of political representation, collective mental health care and the reproduction of capitalism through our social relationships crystallized in all the aspects, engines, and gestures that knock into shape the capitalist domination network as a whole. The same systemic structure of political representation is self-validated through political parties. Political parties are exposed as the only institutional way to have a proper influence in social and economical spheres.

Mexico City manages to bamboozle the enthusiasts and the naive into thinking that a certain populist government is going on around here. It manages to convince people that there is a social government validated by its subjects via their electoral participation. Through “participatory budgets” discursive social democracy is installed in the collective imaginary, but in practice authoritarian management prevails. The Mexico City government has been incapable of “lead by obeying” (as the zapatistas would provocatively declare a possible philosophy for autonomous self-governed practices) beyond the interest of financial and real estate industry, beyond the interest of corporations that produce the city as a sort of economy agglomeration of services, irrational industries and centres of production-consumption of knowledge, an aggressive cultural industry, and so on.

The project of modernity in Valle de Anahuac México started way before the arrival of the spanish conquerors. There is, of course, a fine and disrupted line that connects the Conquista with the birth of PRI, which is naturally linked with the contemporary CDMX and its leftist neoliberal administration (the so called city of vanguards), one of the city-branches that is one of the most profitable in the entire world. Mexico city - since 1998 - has been governed by; the democratic revolution, by the social left, by the citizenship alliance with development. Results on the urns have sustained this governance for the last 18 years thanks to the strength of solid capital investment in campaigns, tourism, constructions, 'culture' and services. The neoliberal leftist government has showed its populism as intrinsically neoliberal and antisocial. Recently I had the chance to read a local hype magazine where Mexico City was presented by a curator as “the new Berlin!” ( As ludicrous as it may sound to the reader of this piece, the parallelism is only true in the sense that Mexico City is potentially so profitable in their minds as the European capital was at the moment of the Fall of the Berlin Wall. It is reasonable to place this infamous declaration as part of a contemporary invitation for the global real estate industry to develop disposition strategies for the constant and simultaneous gentrification of whole chunks of the city. At the same time, GDF in syntony with the Managerial Coordination of the City (CCE), that has invested importing security technologies and procedures replicating the polemic tolerance Zero programme developed by Rudolph Giuliani back when he was governor of New York City. This security strategy tries out its social pacification techniques through selective repression of social sectors, explicit surveillance of citizens and heavy control of protest. The repressive strategy is triggered against people, mainly vulnerable, unhappy, displaced, dispossessed, encaged, pissed people that will never fit in the model of the venguard business city that those in Power are trying to impose on everyone else.

This government is openly cynical because in its schizoid behaviour it shows to foreign capitalists and all potential investors a glimpse of kindness, wit, security, culture, and wealth. This government has another more popular face that is related to generalized social exclusion, habitual emotional sickness, chronic fatigue and common precarity if not plain misery. All these daily institutionalized violences are heavily accompanied by a crescent and historical criminalization against all those who riot, protest, take action or even just flirt with what is seen as outside the frame of legality by the gubernamental administrations. “Either you play with us, and you shut for fucking mouth or you are against us” that is the motto. That is how state through its legal and its operational system will confine those that are dispossessed, indebted, or those that appear to be against their interests, to be condemned. Confinement and the prison system is one of the core problems that produce an exclusivist reality based on private property and accumulation of capital. Dissidence is dealt with through repression and confinement but it is more dense how power prevents revolt by installing salaried work, daily deterritorialization of workers, active defense of private property in a world where those who-nothing-owes-nothing-has, devastation of environment as a whole, psicosis produced by dispossession, institutional and para institutional ultraviolence against our bodies, discreet and evident war, legality as the regulator of time and space, reduction of the individual to a ephemeral image that deambulantes in a social network, etc.

How is this life possible? I think one of the most dramatic reasons of our miserable happening has to do with the triumph of “private life as the space of liberty”. Private life means a daily engagement that isolates us profoundly from our social environment but seduces us because through private life we may have the sensation of self-realization in individual terms and this superficial bewitchment sustains the political and economical fashion that in which we live our lives every day. Domestication is voluntary so as emancipation is. Voluntary domestication has been imposed on us long time ago and in the cities it comes with new ways of labor exploitation such as the flexibilization of work, the idea of separated workers that are at the same time autonomous and creative, or the standardization of formal work as the only possible routes for nuclear survival. It is through the reproduction of individualistic lifestyles that we are standardized in the cities, uniforming our desires and at the same time our consumption habits, we produce kets for our condensed daily oppression, surveilled by Law&Order and sustained by our daily habits marked by the achievement of immediate pleasure while simultaneously we frantically contribute in the destruction of the biosphere at the same time that we update our emails and smartphone apps.

Inside the cities any piece of land costs. The rent regime is so unquestionable like in its moment Christ word was. If you do not accept this living logic, if you do not negotiate, then you are a candidate to thicken the population of the prison or exclusion economy that today is the paradigm of the spectacle and control society that we are part of. We are all potential prisoners or ex convs. We are all possible criminals, unbehaved candidates for prolonged confinement, and torture inside democracy jails. We are constantly possible candidates for life endowment. We are all potential criminals or debtors and they have seen the great potential for business that creating prisons imply! “Your condemn my wealth” it is the proposal of the managers of exclusive and bourgeois liberty in an imprisoned world.

The city is the culmine of the urban-agro-industrial civilized project that because of a irrational and historically determined set of reasons today means a generalized catastrophe and that is actually happening now; cities are at risk, reduce risk and are determined when risks become catastrophe. Today, the city is in a moment where its existence is endangered and its crisis is produced and reproduced thanks to its own infrastructure crisis. This perpetual state of shock and crisis generates easily a climate of instability recuperated by capitalism: when spaces are unstable they are financially volatile, re-valuable, vulnerable, comerciable. These anti-perpetual spaces are easily identified by the real estate machinery that evidently is a market that operates in a global scale. this is the Era of cities that compete amongst cities irrationally and democratically in order to obtain investments. Spectacle, tourism and culture has shown to be the preferential areas through which the hardcore mega machine occupies urban space.

Cities are places that are constantly being divided by non-stop transit, commodities in their own essence, in this precise moment surveilled by army trucks filled with military forces cruising through the city on the eve of September 15th(Independence Day), Cities are places where big CocaCola trucks filling the avenues with their roaring motors, always ready to properly supply the Seven Elevens and Oxxo´s, merch-temples illuminating the shelves in a corner watched by cameras mounted over high aluminium poles with speakers attached and ready to be activated with the seismic alarm. Control in the panoptic city is incorporated by citizens by irrational systemic violence. The discourse of violence comes with the implementation of security: it is possible to prevent, for that you have to give us your autonomy and your freedom”. All this planning comes still as fragile, fragility is also an essential part of the artificial genetic and historically determined moment of contemporary capitalism. the Modernist project is constantly at stake. Here sophistication of development is not sustained at all.

If we manage to be formal and flexible with our labor contribution for the daily reconfiguration of the city, of 24/7 production of labor even while having free time and consuming, we will perform an active role as replaceable pieces of the capitalist machinery, pieces that have an expiration date and that as a whole are sustaining the urban-agro-industrial complex and its present tense catastrophe. Citizens are medular performers in this network of contemporary vanguard megalopolis around the world, they circulate and its destinies are more than ever intertwined.

There is an enormous lack of faith in democracy, when there is no faith there is no hope which means imminent catastrophe, and at the end that is what this city is, a living catastrophe. In this city at the service of a few , of a certain kind of imposed flow, a certain mobility and connectivity, we are heading for a massive crash that has already started long ago (slowmotion history) a failure in its dynamics of soulless reproduction in capitalism at the heart of the digital urban era. Absolute connectivity is a fruit from the dispossession of territories for the benefit of a totalizing megaproyect that transforms cities into a all-manageable-territory available-at-all-moments for its exploitation and daily reproduction. City is not alien at all to our wishes and habits: we produce the catastrophic city every day.

I wish catastrophe, I am part of catastrophe, we live in a solid catastrophe. What happens when the city is unsustainable and has the same nature telling everyone out loud that it is not a solid monolith, it is rather an unstable and loose chunk of land just about to fall apart as a fragile card castle would do with a heavy whistle?

Some free bubbles, constellation of radical spaces that are temporarily free of capitalist logics, of salaried labor, of rent, etc- shape a kind of urban counterpower but this apparent antagonism against the urban system as a whole is insufficient. Autonomous and cooperative processes may subvert logics of capitalism inside their communities and networks, but at the same time, it seems complicated to spread this experiences to the wholesome of the society at a same pace as the creative destruction of the earth is happening, simultaneously to the resistance against capitalism, it is accumulating and recuperating everything in a much more voracious way. Therefore, there are not that many places where to escape, consumerism chokes our liberty, citizenship is an unsustainably horizon, the promise of velocity fucks with our routines, autonomies as facts are few, boredom reigns at the same time labor is flexibilized up to the point that many people viciously think that class war has disappeared in favor of a pseudo happy competitivity amongst workers. All spaces and experiences of struggle and resistance against domination are important to prefigure in present tense alternatives in order to embody the other world we want to live here and now and that its imaginative potency relays precisely over this total crisis of representation that we nowadays live in. Even though we have different horizons and calendars, is there still a potency in the synchronization of our tools and strategies for the permanent rupture with the actual state of capitalist crisis?

Capitalism is looking to interconnect all of the possible territories for his own benefit and profit, facilitating the transformation and fueled transportation of commodities so that they may get to the centres of consumption and distribution. For capitalism, all this operations are much more important that the destructive implications that these operations imply for the environment. We want to escape but we now such a permanent fugitive route does not exist at all, that urbanization of the countryside is imminent and has been going on since long time ago in an incomprehensible fast way. It is the result of an engine that history started 200 years ago with the birth of the industrial revolution. Since that time civilization has done a morbidly fascinating effort to destroy everything in a very creative way(any similarity with contemporary art is worth noticing).

Should we have to discard completely and from the root urban experience as a whole in order to constructively destroy the infrastructure and discourse of the same city? Or what is there to recuperate from the proliferation of the cities around the world after the Industrial Revolution? Maybe we should imagine how to leave this machine and to totally break with its dispossession logic, starting by transforming it into a place yet to be named and therefore realized in present? So what does it really mean to break with the flow of capital in the city if we think and imagine a social organization outside of the normative frame of the State?

Should we stress out this questions until they proliferate in diverse self regulated collective processes? Should we endeavour patience in contraposition with the urgency and immediacy to solve the present catastrophe? Is the city something to reconsider beyond capitalism? What do we have to say about the abandonment of cities? are we experiencing the dusk of an unsustainable urban crisis? “To abandon without abandoning” is presented as a prefigurative omen of collective emancipation? Thirty years after the ‘85 earthquake Mexico City looks unprepared (beyond simulations) and vulnerable at the same time. The city seems closed and imprisoned. Waste City, Ruined city, Catastrophic city, Sacrifice City, Earthquake City, Compost City, Corpse City, Simultaneous and Emergency City. City of Pueblos, barrios and colonias that despite all, self organize and struggle.

“cities around the plant have witnessed revolts, occupations and mobilizations. These acts are the expression of a reject to life transformed into exchangeable commodities in the market. From the most emblematic plazas to the systematically abandoned peripheries, the recent social and political irruptions seem to want to demonstrate that the revolution of the XXI century will be urban or will not be.”

David Harvey, Rebel Cities.


La catástrofe antes de la catástrofe que acontece.

A catastrophe is ambivalent. It is the state of death, something unwanted and full of overwhelming loss, which makes us deplore it. But it is through the realizing of things as catastrophes that a subject under rule may find an exit out of the subjugation and look for another system that will subvert such power structures. Blanchot describes the state that we might achieve through the catastrophe as “subjectivity without any subject: the wounded space, the hurt of the dying, the already dead body which no one could ever own, or every say, I, my body”.

Binna choi, Rehearsing death

I have an intuition that Mexico City is a place destined to collapse again and again because catastrophe already happened long time ago. I don´t say this to stimulate an imminent disaster, or to be perverse or stupid regarding others tragedy, it is simply what I see when looking back in the past and observe the relationship between destruction and the city, a dynamic ethos under which the city has been ruled through the passage of times. One thousand years have passed since the appearance of the first human settlement in south Valle de México, with the Cuilcuilcas(), settlement that was depopulated in consequence of the explosion of the Xitle volcano in the year 50 BC. Wikipedia talks a lot about all the earthquakes, tremors, shaking of the earth (even the volcanic eruptions mentioned before), that the city has suffered throughout its history as an almost symbiotic, affective, erotic relationship with its latent self destruction and survival. This territory is the result of the insitance in joining a geographical point- susceptible to all kind of catastrophes- with the civilizational project, through the continuation of a nationalist myth. Its seems like civilization dominates with irrational paces. All this uncertainty and series of disasters are capitalized and gives the urban-agro-industrial systemic boosts of stability in spite of its imminent fragility.

Mexico City is a territory given to self-sacrifice and all kind of sacrifices, because all the blood here has been spilled for centuries and its terror has accelerated at the pace of the economic transit and rhythm that has used this space as Center, through the guerras floridas, Tlacaelel decreed that its empire would be spiritual and economically activated by pulling off the hearts of the conquered offered to the solar ritual involving daily blood spilling. A civic-religious ethic that resembles a lot the ultraviolence we live in our present times.

I shut my eyes while I breath smog and imagine that y go backwards in time thanks to some invisible particles that travel through the air. Nocive, yes, but at the same time they let us travel in time, particles are invisible machines that travel through time, invisible machines that crack my mind open, letting an eye through which I see the great illuminated Tenochtitlan, with its canals and water bodies functioning as vivid vessels. I see this magnificent epicentre as the empire of sun and blood and water: instrumentalized Cd Tlachinolli. The spanish conquerors also understood the importance of controlling water in order to defeat the army of the last Tlatoani exactly through the domination of the channels of the mexican lacustrian system. War boats sailing from Coyoacan to the heart of the Empire ready to defeat them while spreading smallpox on the population. A long time after the Conquista, others in Power still are draining what is left of the arid lake, turning it into a dried up wasteland, rivers turned into trapped ghosts and rivers reduced to rumors. Cities devoured by the Monster City that ends up eating itself again and again: Tenochtitlán ate Azcapotzalco, Xochimilco, Iztapalapa, Coyoacán. Mexico city as the feathered Ouroboros seated over the thorny cactus and the prickle is made of iron.

I open my eyes, shut them: The Cuicuilco circular pyramid. At the south of the Valley, grandfathers cry and predict the end of its era and at the same time that the visions warns them about all the sacred wisdom that will be kept deep inside the Valleys ravines, far away from the Destroyed Imaginary Temple. A fire illuminates the ongoing ceremony surrounded by many smaller fires, containing the time- without space- sun after sun, and the infinite rhythm of drums, mushrooms, peyote and copal continues.

I open and close my eyes. I am trying to see the undefinable. I open my eyes and keep them open: In Calzada de Tlalpan, smog hits the skin, cars are plenty and run freely and naturally, Sun burns hard: I am in my modern desert and frontier: this avenue is a concrete division, a profound open wound. In order to cross Calzada de Tlalpan ( pedestrian way founded in 1428 by the Aztec civilization) it is necessary to walk beneath the earth: I walk through a commercial underground arcade; a certain baroque esthetic emerges: a popular dinner, a Backpack store, a gambling informal spot. Or you may cross Calzada de Tlalpan through the metro passage: over the flow of things and ongoing people; coming and going, trailers, bikes, private cars, public transport transit, full velocity fueled by the unstoppable rhythm of superficial time. I am thinking that all those vehicles are well dressed, functional ruins about to collapse.

I imagine those tunnels connecting the underground of Templo Mayor with other subterranean spots underneath Centro Histórico. A labyrinth of catacombs crosses parallel to the metro blue line, trajectories constructed for the communication between religious and secular colonial powers. These are the anti-conspiratorial tunnels. Tunnels created and used by Power and used against power itself. Another serpent runs through these swampy subway. The serpent is a rattlesnake taking form very precisely as earthquakes, as a constant and palpable menace remembered by the collective imaginary as a diffuse tragedy.

I open my eyes and again I close them: The first block of the city: its palaces and great colonial buildings delimiting the Zócalo that was in the 17th century a big central market, novo imperial heart agglomerating merch of all kinds and from all parts of the Empire, through the Nao of China. A cosmopolitan city: the birth of modernity, in its expansive nature, conquered this land through metallic gun fires and weapons. A mesoamerican black hole made of chile, mole and manteca, The city looks like another colonized fucked up babilonia.

I close my eyes: the American flag waves at the flagpole in Zocalo Capitalino, 1848 is running.

I open my eyes: canals are full of corpses, the majority are bodies of the natives, defeated and piled on the riversides, blood colouring the whole water and the smell of death turns into heavy air. There are also dead horses and rest of armor (helmets, lances, rest of metal crusted into earth) but not as many as the indigenous swollen bodies. At the back, completing the image, a temple is burning.

I open my eyes and close them and I imagine that the bloody rituals still continue to feed the accelerated rhythm of the historically determined metropolis that has been formed in a catastrophic way by the civilizations that have occupied this territory, shaken city of constant tremors and imminent floods.

I close my eyes, even forcing my eyelids to have more obscure clarity: Olmecas, Mexicas, Tlatelolcas, Spaniards, Mexicans: All overlapped parts of a broken body, like a hybrid Tzompantli made of Mario Pani´s Modernism ( for example the desolation monument for excelence: Edificio Nuevo León, Tlatelolco exactly in September 19th, at precisely 7:19 am) with a big head of a Sebastian sculpture, its base filled with aggressive graffiti (Reforma with Juarez avenues). Right there in October 2nd, 2013 an anti authoritarian revolt was triggered, in one of the most potent moments of insurrection in recent years ( reopening the imaginary possibility of collectively performing, wishing and at the same time living, the violent irruption as a social and combative alternative against the enslaving city rhythm and oppression). A group of friends informally gather and plan the opening of time in space through the actioning of a situation. Imagination as a limit-less territory of collective research… I open my eyes and and open them again. I am sitting in the plaza de las tres culturas, Tlatelolco, that exact night of October 2nd, 1968, I am amongst the protesters that filled the plaza in a massive anti government rally, minutes before the bengals were shot into the air, signals that announced the upcoming massacre. I close my eyes and look further. It is October 3rd, dawn is about to break, Tlatelolco is cleaned and empty as if nothing has happened, still the air seems tense and heavy...I have been jumping from a Chinampa to the top of the Latino Tower to the Torre Mayor. I am a ghost rider.

Is the last man laughing having a better laugh than the rest of us? What if: Your laughter means nothing compared to destiny´s loud laughs? I open my eyes and exhale roughly, my eyes are all crazed up, i feel dizzy...I can't distinguish between the limits of the city and those of my body, i am confusing the position of myself and of all cardinal directions. Mixcoac, Tlalpan, Azcapotzalco, Iztapalapa, Coyoacan and of course Mictlan City.


7:16 an earthquake is about to happen, the day is starting with the roaring of destruction, at the exact moment when everything is falling down over the routine. Emblematic buildings start crumbling down: Centro Médico(a General Hospital), Televisa, CONALEP, Nuevo León building in Tlatelolco and Unidad Habitacional Juárez (these last both constructed by modernist architect Mario Pani), the SCOP building. News of the destroyed Hotel Regis start to spread amongst survivors. The Regis came down to pieces. Images of crushed children, crushed by their own school building. Images of a General Hospital turned into an epicentre of catastrophe, the biggest television network is out of air. Images are iconoclast. The Stadium is being used as a massive tomb. Isolation and governmental incapability to respond to catastrophe show the fragility of the structures that support the city's status quo. Even though several of the most emblematic buildings of mexican modernity have been destroyed or damaged, the real human tragedy really happened in the popular colonias and barrios like La Colonia Morelos, La Guerrero, La Roma, in Tepito. There, the total loss and death of beloved ones was truly happening while spectacle rapaciously announced normalization of catastrophe. Not even the best popular humour can hide the magnitude of the destruction. Surely these upcoming November 2, the day of the Dead, will be emotive, still a Nation always sublimed by death takes the chance of becoming eternally impotent.

Impossible to imagine the `85 earthquake, it happened two years before I was born. Impossible to defend a pre-natal memory at least in a realistic way, so then I submerge myself in my deepest and most wildest mind in order to feel other memories as if it where my own. These imaginary theft is a robbery against who? What is the source for this mental stimulation? Where do I look for the rests? Also the immaterial rests? The ‘85 earthquake appears in my memory as remembrance and oblivion, a catastrophic contradiction shaping the present I inhabit. Some say that the earthquake took the form of a snake as it crushed the surface, destroying everything. Others said that it was the moment of their death. Survivors say that they are the living proof of possible resurrection, Bloody lucky guys!

Your noisy moaning is turned off instantly- the roof just came down over the fragile table where you managed to hide- or maybe after the blow you wake up dizzy, trapped in a total darkness, buried under the rubble, with a serious wound that makes you feel disoriented, with the sensation of losing all oxygen remaining in your lungs- no u turn- feeling that the moment of your death is already coming. At that moment clear images appear, sharp images despite the hollowness of your last breaths, you are choking and still images come to your mind: familiar faces, aerial views of the city (all the Valley at your feet), weavings and serpents, your own image buried while your soul runs out of your body. Lastly, you see yourself resembling exactly the aztec figurine you had over the toilet, and all kinds of sirens( ambulances, patrols) resound over the place you are just about to die. You weren't even totally awaken from last night nightmare you were having when all this shit started to happen.

Catastrophe also wakes up the cooperational instincts and solidarity between victims of a disaster. The Earthquake was a precise moment that defined a whole self organization movement of what was starting to become know as Civil Society: people outside government or party institutions. After the Earthquake occurred, Teams, neighbor associations, and self-organized commissions(transport, rescue, food, health, communication) were organized by society outside the normalization of Power. Self-organization was practiced as a reaction to unexpected disaster, beyond the radar of authorities, in honest opposition to the official call for normalization. People once again showed how humanity is founded in solidarity, organizing in spontaneous and direct ways, finding forms to intervene in catastrophe, showing that rescuing a victim was the major retribution for the insatiable volunteers that dedicated themselves after the earthquake into trying to save as much lives as possible. There were plenty of thieves and robbers. Looting seems possible. But everyone knows that the mayor thief was of course the government and the armed forces. State called for society demobilization and normalization, in delegating al action to the repressive apparatus of their own, and this official order was received by Society with hostility and rejection. It is documented that many times, as it happened in Centro Médico where the military occupation of the zone impeded the voluntary rescue brigades, provoking many deaths that could have been prevented. “could have been” is not existing in reality so then we do have people responsible of catastrophe. It is known that authorities privileged the rescuing of machinery or vaults, instead of possible survivors. The most emblematic case is maybe the one of the Costureras struggle and the tragedy that gave reason for their uprising. After hundreds of costureras(dressmaker) were killed during the Earthquake, their enslaved working conditions became public as a result of the catastrophe. Losing everything became a cry for solidarity and together with a 80´s healthy feminist movement, the compañeras started a struggle against the bourgeois crime, resulting in the creation of the first dressmakers free union and the reparation of damages to victims. It became one of the most clear victories of the Workers rights and for class organization. We may recall it as a struggle that flourished after the Earthquake happened.

Suddenly, the street became our home and informal camps were set up for those of us who lost their homes or their jobs or both, looking for local organization, neighbors cooperating as part of class struggle and as a way to stop the evictions prepared by the State and real estate companies. The collective scream for the right for housing and occupation became a massive demand. Street housing was installed by people, occupation of public space was practiced as a strategy for self-representation and dignity. Nevertheless, despite popular organization, the negotiation of leaders of the majority of the movement with the government through indemnization was the principle for starting the flirting(that became a marriage) between the popular housing movement and vertical party organizational logics and institutionalization of one of the most potent experiences of urban struggles for the reappropriation and commoning of urban basic rights.

A destroyed city will always be a privileged space for the reorganization of capital in its neoliberal real estate era. The defense of housing has been left in its majority in the hands of mafia and party tribes, promoting the fragmentation of struggles, disconnecting the right for housing from the wider range of anti capitalist demands. It is a crucial moment for housing struggles, it is a moment to experiment going beyond institutional control of means and strategies. Maybe to place ourselves beyond catastrophe is means starting again to experience and to reproduce commonality inside the city.

5.5. Brief notes (written without much hope) about gentrification and processes of social reproduction inside contemporary cities seen from the perspective of Crater Invertido.

Located in colonia San Rafael, a centric zone in Mexico City, Cooperativa Cráter Invertido inhabits an old house dating from the beginning of the twentieth century. We found this house and immediately decided to rent it, almost half a year had already passed since we left the other spot( a big warehouse ) we had in Lucas Lassaga, Colonia Obrera(a neighborhood historically dedicated to the printing and binding guilds). In this former space, we rented with other collectives (Rancho Electrónico and Furia en las Calles collectives) between 2012-2013 and our informal association ended up after having a monthly hard time to gather up the money for the rent. At the moment when me moved the project to Icazbalceta, Colonia San Rafael, we had just received the support from Arts Collaboratory. This change of paradigm in our group finances was a chance to gain the time from rent rhythm, having the chance to envision while experimenting the route we wanted to walk together as an unstable but ongoing collectivity. Again we had founded our home.

In front of “Crater”, there is an atelier of fellow artists, also known as Espacio Electromagnético. This spot is an old Porfirian house that was formerly a catholic orphanage for women, that was lended to them by spanish owner recently living abroad. These guys had co-organized an international art encounter of artistic collectives, an event that had place in some of the newest independent spaces allocated in the Colonia San Rafael. The Collective show, was produced in New York and replicated in Mexico City for its second edition. At that time, we had just bought our RISO machine, we had it working in Yollotl´s apartment. We wanted to present a text we had collectively written that we could use as an outline for a performance. It ended up being a series of RISO posters with the text printed on the backside. I recall that it was actually Daria Chernysheva who saw the place just across the street and saw the “For Rent” sign and immediately went to ask for it. The next door neighbor “Adrián”, told her that he had just started to rent here and had a business plan for incubating a commercial gallery and artistic residencies programmes. This next door house is identical to our place, it is like an inverted mirror of Crater Invertido and almost two years after it has been transformed into a hip yet clandestine Mezcal bar, space he rents some days as a party central.

Collectively, we decided to rent just a block away from Metro San Cosme, blue line, just on the borders of Colonia San Rafael and Santa Maria la Ribera. It is an old 19th century bourgeois neighborhood that was abandoned after revolution and repopulated by the uprising urban working class. In the street where Crater is (Joaquín García Icazbalceta) appart from Espacio Electromagnético, and the gallery-mezcalería at our right side, there are 2 more spaces dedicated to contemporary art practices. Lodos, a commercial gallery, is just on the left side of Crater. It is dedicated to commercially promoting north-american artist and introducing them in the local scene, but without really having a grassroots contact with what is happening here. It could be a gallery anywhere and it wouldn't matter at all. Casa Mauaad is on the corner with Altamirano Street, it is a non-profit art space that has residencies and exhibition space. Its owner leaded the eviction of working class families that had long time occupied its property for housing. With a hard social impact, Casa Mauaad has developed with great success its project, having the chance to open just across the street a taco place called “Cochinita Power”. Colonia San Rafael has also a history of an “artistic neighborhood” long before we came here: many theaters and important Contemporary Art galleries like Hilario Galguera are instituted in this area. It is a mixed neighborhood of bohemians and popular families. One could say it is also an important spot for prostitution. Nevertheless, recently a process of open gentrification has been rearticulated in the zone, also triggered by the revalorization of next-door barrio, Santa María la Ribera, so San Rafael is again in the eye of the real estate and service industries. In our street, just recently a monstrous monoblock building has been raised. In this sense, it is evident and comparable what is happening here with many process that have already happened or that are happening in other cities of the world, where artists and its initiatives are playing their well-known active role for the attraction of capital to certain revalued zones, displacing locals. These reconfiguration of the city comes evidently with bigger surveillance strategies and policy enforcement, with the evident complicity between investors and local administration. In resume, this is our territory in dispute.

6. Mexico City's recent history, let say after the sixties, has been configured without a proper urban planning and also definitively crossed by the land invasions of great pieces of land by urban campesinos without land, huge quantities of displaced people ( that is the case of southern colonias like Ajusco or Santo Domingo, or Ciudad Nezahualcoyotl in the east part of the city)that took over lands - in a constant tension between illegality and formalization- making it possible for certain reestablishment of communitarian and social life inside the city to happen. In Centro Histórico, some popular barrios and colonias like Guerrero or Morelos, even Tepito (resisting even the ‘85 earthquake tragedy, resisting not only disaster but the governmental and private harassment provoked by real estate mafias) are zones where the communitarian and popular character of its social relations, certainly crossed by poverty, violence and lack of infrastructure, still these are the places where self organization process are not only possible but already happening and configuring barrial life in a different way than the majority of places in the city, where life beyond individualization is not even imagined.

As the conception of urban space has been reconfigured by capitalism in the last century, so has the conception of labor. It is obvious that the proliferation of immaterial labor( cognitive, intellectual, rational-logic work) thanks to the development of new technologies and productive process within the capitalist system in its neoliberal face. Franco Beradi Bifo in its text “Autonomies” explains how capitalism has started to mutate the classical conception of labor:

“ In the last decades, the informatization of the machine system has played a key role, together with the intellectualization and immaterialization of the principal productive processes. The introduction of new electronic tech and the informatization of the productive process has opened the way to the creation of a global network of info production, deterritorialized, delocated and depersonalized. The global network of info production has become more and more a subject of the social productive process, and the human tissue of people that conform it are fragmented into dissolution”.

I have been researching and questioning the relationship between time and labor, or the ways in which I,We relate with time and its passing, because I think that in the fluctuant bonds between bodies as processual materialization of labor and time transforming our bodies we may find some understanding about the chains that enslave us to a miserable working life that sometimes seems to enclosure at the same time the potency for our liberation...Thinking about time and labor seems pointless, because their is not just “ one time” and it seems clear at this point that we may approach the idea of Time through many different perspectives and researching several layers of information in order to experiment it and approach it as living-time, sometimes even managing to escape from it. Nevertheless, there is a time obnoxiously hegemonic within we exist and reproduce on a daily basis. Systemically, there is a specific “chronos” that comes down to us as a guillotine, conditioning our days, making it possible for the gears of exploitation to properly function and to be embodied, People then becoming the great machinery of anthropocentric capitalism. Tools and dispositives that determine how we regulate and measure time and establish the relationship with our routines; today this relationship is devastating thanks to the triumph of phones and gadgets that are becoming the major regulators of time over our daily routine. Chronophobia, the fear of time or time related illness, are spreading in the city and its symptoms have become a generalized reduction of the quality of life for urban inhabitants. Insomnia, sadness, gastrointestinal, and all kinds of symptoms and sickness are in great part result or linked to time related malfunction of our bodies responding to the attack logic of capitalism over our mind-body. Hegemonic time is delusional, because in appearance it is revolutionary, meaning hegemonic time has made it possible for verticality and lineality to prevail as liquid, heterogeneous, multifaceted, soft and simultaneous lifestyles and rhythms.

We could think that this paradigm shift obeys in one hand to the importance of contemporary financial flux and all the immaterial labor that supports it, producing the universal network of data and metadata exchange, info that translates into the production of relaxed lifestyles that are primarily existing in urban contexts, diluting and disrupting our basic notions of Time, like day and night ( the most ancient and easy way to divide working time from resting time) at the same time that our leisure habits translates effectively into procesual devastation of the biosphere. Hegemonic time, underneath its chameleonic and soft Macintosh skin, is as vertical, unitarian, productive as the let's say fordist production logic. It still reigns over our bodies and fluxes for the reproduction of the capitalist system. Majorities are condemned to a life dedicated to work either in its formal or informal fashion, forced into a survivalist logic in antagonism to the pseudo-libertarian lifestyles of privileged or aspirational-through-debt classes of urban contexts. What effect does our education has on us when we are taught to understand time as linear, a timeline that supports the western modernity project? How is this affecting our bodies NOW as part of the constant rearrangement of capitalism seen as a circulatory territory?

I begun to dream about fissures and ruptures,spaces for unsubordinated time. How may I,We break with hegemonic time (Chronos) over our lives in order to open up the gate to the notion of Kairos (convenient or proper time)? Is it of utmost importance to break with Chronos as series of daily habits?

How do we collectively struggle against chronophobia, against anxiety, depression and suicidal tendencies? What if we throw a light over our conception of labor in order to help us understand ourselves as part of the contemporary problematic of total dissolution of the borders between labor time and leisure time (it is of course much more problematic than what the situationist foresaw sixty years ago)? In which way is anarchy related to time as possibility for the myth, for the reconciliation between artificial-natural? Is an anarchic approach to time the possibility of an ethical time? What does an anarchic way of living implies in terms of rhythm beyond the capitalist digital clock logic? is anarchy a possibility for the commoning of life? Looking for a conflictual and antagonic projection against this shitty and infra real life, I wonder if more autonomous and independent affinity groups, organizations, platforms,etc. will emerge in the struggle against capitalism, and how will these experiences help to create temporary spaces that makes us “win” time for our common living, while we organize labor for the common good, in collectivity for the maximum well-being of individuals? How may we “steal” time, steal resources from hegemonic time for the conformation and proliferation of communities and groups to organize outside capitalist and state logics?

Cities are simply not isolated from rural areas destinies, it's luck will always be interweaved. Within the urban-agro-industrial complex, symbiosis between rural and urban areas is vital for the reproduction of capitalism. It is in the rural areas, where food is mostly produced and where extractivism of minerals and energetics take place, it is precisely where capitalism endures its resilience capacity. Looking for other ways of living beyond urban lifestyles, has nothing to do with the stimulation of new age dreams or “new farmers” movement (mainly bourgeois idealizations of what “living on the countryside”means), instead it means to deepen our critic for a better understanding of what the capitalist domination network means and how it is constituted, of how urban infrastructure is deeply linked to rural areas through specific spaces we may call intermediate such as highways, basically moving warehouses for commodities. We may continue to analyse our capacities to intervene, sabotage, blockade the dynamic transit of commodities and people in order to question the contextual problematic of capitalism transformed into space and its relationship with transit and communication, making visible that they are intermediate territories where capitalism-as-a concrete--form flows. In these spaces disputed by velocity is where the vessels of capitalism reside, transit-spaces that are inseparable of hegemonic time dynamics. We may think of these spaces as ready to be framed and possibly stopped. Epistemological separations between city-rural areas, as most of the frontiers produced by human language, are artificial and therefore not absolute at all.

Resisting and against hegemonic yime and flows, alternatives and resistance are flourishing in those who are irreducible with an unbearable daily logic. Historical communities in resistance, like indígenas communities in Mexico, have confronted dispossession through specific forms, tools and practices. Self-defense, self-organization and self-determination have made it possible for process of real autonomy to sprout. Examples may be Cherán and Ostula in Michoacán, Zapatistas communities in southern-state Chiapas, Amilcingo in Morelos or San Bartolomé and Santo Domingo in Mexico City. Evidently, it is no causality that what is linking the present struggle of all these territories - all of them inside Mexico- is that they are in their own ways, calendars and forms, fighting against dispossession produced by the aggressive assault of megaprojects. Communities in resistance are actively struggling against the imposition of “development” projects where government institutions and transnational corporations are trying or already operating without their approval. It is very important to point out the role that organized crime plays to implement territorial militarization throughout terror and dispossession, principally in order to secure zones for exploitation of strategic resources for the development of a macroeconomic neoliberal plan. Drug related organized crime extends itself as a network that operates in all the social tissue, moving drug, transporting in slave-like conditions immigrants, charging irrational rents to locals and of course exercising the patriarchal violent apparatus that transform Mexico into a hell hole of womyn murders. Drug related crime operates under the protection of State apparatus and governmental agencies. Literally, State, Corporations and Organized crime just change clothes between them. They share logistics, investments, financial counsels. Pueblos and Communities that deny to be part of this logic of dispossession are immediately become part of the “enemy” to the eyes of Power structures. . Maybe it is through the proliferation of this communities that resist thanks to their opaqueness, outside the spotlight of sirens, of energetic dependance, of HD, that we may exist in autonomy. Before I did a critique to the concept of autonomy as the solution per se to the systemic capitalist horror. Autonomy is not a magic or unquestionable concept, instead we must situate it is a series process for factual or imaginary autonomies . This text has not the means nor the desire to make a deconstruction of the genealogy of the use of Autonomy as anticapitalist movements have done for the last 40 years. From the sprout of the Autonomen in Europe in the seventies, to the zapatista insurgency back in 1994, the nourishment of the possibilities of constructing autonomy as a space of antagonist organization against the state or the corporate control, has been sprouting as a common space to make different tendencies and political spectrums to converge. Autonomy, because of the different and multiple layers from which it can be addressed and practiced, has become of undeniable importance to understand current processes of territorial liberation, being the zapatistas communities in Chiapas and the Kurdish struggle committed with Democratic Confederalism the most but not only examples of how communities in resistance are organizing in the post/soviet era. For Franco Berardi Bifo, for example, addresses the concept of autonomy in its relationship of what he understands as cognitive work in the midst of redefining 21st century class struggle:

“[A}utonomy means that social life does not depend only on the disciplinary regulation imposed by economic power, but also depends on the internal displacement, shiftings, settlings and dissolutions that are the process of the self-composition of living society. Struggle, withdrawal, alienation, sabotage, lines of flight from the capitalist system of domination.

Autonomy is the independence of social time from the temporality of capitalism.

This is the meaning of the expression refusal of work. Refusal of work means quite simply:I don’t want to go to work because I prefer to sleep. But this laziness is the source of intelligence, of technology, of progress. Autonomy is the self-regulation of the social body in its independence and in its interaction with the disciplinary norm.”

“There is another side of autonomy, which has been scarcely recognized so far. The process of the autonomisation of workers from their disciplinary role has provoked a social earthquake which triggered capitalist deregulation. The deregulation that entered the world scene in the Thatcher-Reagan era, can be seen as the capitalist response to the autonomisation from the disciplinary order of labour. Workers demanded freedom from capitalist regulation, then capital did the same thing, but in a reversed way. Freedom from state regulation has become economic despotism over the social fabric. Workers demanded freedom from the life-time prison of the industrial factory. Deregulation responded with the flexibilisation and the fractalisation of labour.”

The autonomous italian movement of late seventies meant the proliferation of the communes, occupations, strikes, squats, but at the same time it produced the recombination of capitalism in its post/fordist era, continuing with the flexibilization of cognitive workers that brought the diffusion of class struggle and the individualization of the concept of autonomy into a series of supposedly alternative lifestyles either in rural or urban areas . It translates into the present world, cruel and infamous, where even communes, squats, occupations, libertarian municipalities are not enough to subvert the destruction of the earth by neoliberalism capitalism, especially, in contemporary megalopolis contexts where devastation of environment is a daily practice .

In order to generalize experiences that stand as concrete experiences of self-determination against neoliberal crisis, we are in the need to start deeply sharing alternatives that are reproducible and can be influenciable for the wide anti capitalist/anti statist/anti authoritarian struggles all over the urbanized world. This is how to start sharing profound alternatives must become real processes that influences ourselves and our communities to start taking individual and collective decisions that before we thought impossible, and to start facing directly all the contradictions that, for example, self-management process intrinsically produce. How may we leave behind work and start self-determined labor processes where we cooperate without competing, or how may we start working in collectivity for the maximum development of individuals in a communal ecosystem where our lives are not separated from the concepts we use to create our shared realities?

In Mexico City, in the community-rooted areas, in the popular neighborhoods, in this specific and situated spaces is where certain communities inside the city find space to exist with dignity inside these Monster City that is devouring all signs of resistance are produced. This experiences of autonomous urban organization defy daily structural violence, building spaces of liberty and self-organization outside the frame of the State and of capitalist management. The occupation of land and buildings, the generation of cooperative housing beyond the limits of legality, neighborhoods blockade resistances against mega projects and urbanization are strategic tactics to breathe outside oppression and collectively care for ourselves, still through self-critique knowing about intrinsic limitations and reach of struggles that are focusing only in localities without envisioning coordination beyond specific territories in an internationalist perspective. Or, for example, truly acknowledging our inferiority in terms of armed capacity and mobility infrastructure, so that we may imagine what tools, resources and capacities we do have against continuous dispossession. The decline of the institutionalized left obliges us to produce perspectives of truly urban autonomy, for example, the case of the Frente Francisco Villa Independiente Unopii-fpvv(1), a truly antagonistic, anti-capitalist territorial organization inside Mexico City. Actively searching for experiences must translate into putting in practice our imagination for the proliferation of occupations, autonomous social centres, self-organized cooperatives and squats, networks of solidarity and communitarian institutions. At this point, imagination is our point of departure and ongoing return place for the realization of daily life beyond contemporary capitalism. We must stretch our minds then to discuss and replicate some of the actual and serious proposals of reorganization of humankind in the vortex of the Anthropocene era. Anarcho-communist Murray Bookchin has in a very lucid and clear way set up what is known as Democratic Confederalism or Libertarian Municipalism, seriously appropriated by the Kurdish Autonomous struggle and that is obviously mirrored by zapatistas communities in southeast Mexico.

In Mexico City, as I have just mentioned before, the experience of the Frente Popular Francisco Villa-Independiente, or the “panchos” as they are popularly referred as, is of significant importance because it is actually one of the few territorial projects where communality has meant process and praxis for the last 25 years. In an interview with free media platform, X explains how the FPFVI-UNOPII actions when a zone is about to be communalized:

“For us, the taking and occupation of land is not an illegal act, but not in the sense of occupation, because it is the reccuperation of our land, the rescue of what we have as a right and that we have earned after years of hard work. The form in which we take land is done like this: In the first moment, we localize and investigate about the conditions of certain land and after that, we do a work of sensibilization in the area, giving out flyers, making “thunder” demonstrations and political meetings, doing calls in other areas of the city, mostly areas that are marginal in the east side, like Iztapalapa or Tláhuac. After that, we prepare for the first moment when me occupy the land and comrades set up the first house with the materials that they have at their hands: rubber, wood, metal sheets,, cardboard,etc. At this point, for safety reasons, we do not construct houses with bricks or with more solid materials, because obviously after any occupation, or land rescue, we have a period of resistance”.

It is because we find tangible experiences within our social context that we start to question and ask about feasible possibilities inside the city to break with the power calendar over our social bodies, we do not want simply to survive as we do on a daily basis, instead, we want to live a life for the fullest benefit of the commons. Most people pay rent in order to live inside the city, and this undoubtedly introduces us in the waged-work logic or inside the flexible but self-exploitative, precarious liberal position of freelance cognitive workers. The majority of the youth either live with their parents or nuclear family housing, few live in squats or some kind of land invasion, commune or chosen cooperative collectivity. The city in itself is presented as accessible in only economical terms, but not sensible or affective spectrum. The whole city is at the mercy of real estate speculation, and therefore subdued to the idea of citizenship as the logic of individualist liberal reproduction of the self and of society. At the same time, we perceive a general interest in genuinely experiencing the great potential of communal living and of appropriating the city in a truly radical way.

Where does all the food we eat comes from? Why should all of us have a individual house? Is nomadism a possibility of rupture with the urban logic or is it that by rooting in a specific territory we may find the contexts to subvert capitalist influence over our commonized life? Or is it both?

How may we spend less (resources) and gain more time (not for work)? Is it possible to have collective kitchen, wardrobe, tools beyond property? Why is house labor so invisibilized in our communities? Why do we choose to live with certain people? Or is it that you never had the chance to decide about your housing? Where do you spent your nights and with whom? Or maybe we could also bring more serious questions into light: What does a space of our own means if we say we want to liberate it from capitalist and state production logics and control surveillance? Outside of the property regime and the rhythms and fluxes of work, fragmented and superficially disconnected routine? How is that historically speaking, these experiences go beyond radical milieus and are actually the unsubordinated histories we must collectively recall?

It seems as if communal living presents problematics that before were not there (especially concerning the communalization of means, tools and objects; the ensuring of collective and individual mental health, the distribution of labor, etc) but at the same time it starts solving concrete problems for the reproduction of life such as food, the socialization of space and tools, knowledge and so on. About this communalization of life we must take special care of our social dynamics, and to utterly question how we produce property values in our relationships and how are we figuring collectively out forms of collective accountability that move away from guilt-victim-punishment logics of understanding and producing justice. If the State of the Capitalist system will not intervene in our disputes and conflicts, we must start socializing forms and means in which we may achieve autonomy also in this important aspect of life.

We live in our own contradictory mirage of autonomy overlapped with self-exploitation; we win time, we give minutes, we share moments time, we create events but at the same time it is still insufficient because it is a reality in which our time is an exploitable space, time as a given space is a territory that we must also and primarily dispute through our habits, a territory that is connected with how we understand work as an activity that transform time itself, and how we consume it as leisure and labor, even bringing into the discussion how we sleep and what we dream. So the next question is naturally drawn to our attention: What possibilities inside the Monster-City we have in order to exist through communal living, of recreating collective potency and imagination? What unlinear genealogy of Mexico City must we recall in order to imagine postcapitalist autonomy outside the present catastrophic era? How far away must we project ourselves so that the to be constructed future is worthwhile paving or is that ruins are infecund and imagining future possibilities is simply futile so the present is our only evident place for reconstructive action? How long is the present and is it even slower when it happens in collectivity, therefore it is important to imagine and create common time as a direct action against capitalist rhythm? Is it that generalized slowness is indeed a pertinent practice against the trepidant planetary passing of progress and modernity?

If catastrophe is imminent and the apocalypse is already happening in repetition at this precise moment, what is the pertinence in bringing into action the concrete crystallization of “now” and of “later” and its relationship with anxiety and depression as chronophobic manifestations of impotence and oppression in daily life? The question about how may humanity manage postcastastrophic reality in terms of producing our own calendars and time lapses, practicing the reorganization of off beat and simultaneous, decentralized, anti authoritarian struggles that do produce autonomous reproducible forms and diverse anti capitalist spaces?

Dispossession is reality within capitalism and it is an attack that spreads without limits that are borders and that are accumulated in an abstract way in forms of value and labor, interiorized in our daily habits and how we are conditioned by our territorial contexts in terms of how oppression and injustice reveals itself against our bodies in specific geographical spot where we are the moment regulated and subjected by law, borders, jails, urbanization. Dispossession comes through the specific manifestation of class war inside our bodies as performers of habits in a specific place and time. Liberty means the capacity that humans as an environmentalist force in connection with biosphere health manage to concretely stop the capitalist mega machine of production and creative devastation of the earth. So humanity must rely in the capacity that we have to retake those territories that rampant capitalism seeks to control and exploit by all possible means, and then subverting the logic of domination liberating humanity while liberating earth from extractivist destruction, producing crystal examples of what autonomy means in terms of temporarily liberating a space and a time from capitalist dispossession. The question regarding total liberation from the capitalist-nationalist-neoliberal-managerial world may imply the constant global rearticulation of struggles in concrete local corporeal and earthly spaces. Understanding that territories are also the spaces where bodies are put into action, and the relations created between the spatial environment generated amongst the bodies. Domination is personal and that is evidently a space for the proliferation of resistances against the oppression of our bodies as spaces with corporeal memories ( again the problem with cities is that they constantly produce spaces where our bodies are subjugated and controlled, bodies only understood as commodities with assigned values). Depending in the context and the general conditions of each one of us, we must discuss about what urgent spaces must we liberate from domination. Mental spaces, internet-spaces, imaginary spaces are material spaces in constant dispute, where liberation comes simultaneous in terms of other struggles that are more explicit than those that our bodies and minds experience in every day life. Struggle against domination is simultaneous in all personal and collective territories.

Capitalism in its neoliberal form at least ideologically supports the suppression of state as a regulator between producers-consumers relations, and is suspicious and antagonistic against the idea of state as an apparatus that may reclaim rights and social dignity for majorities because capitalist discourse claims that market will be the natural regulator of social relationships. But in reality, capitalism in its neoliberal form needs and uses state as natural ally of its policies by supporting the reduction of state in terms of social welfare, but increases the necessity of state in terms of security, militar, social control and the funding and support of institutions that bureaucracy embodies the necessity of State as a territory. So capitalism uses legality and law and justice system in general to legitimate constant dispossession, creating a world where it seems that all planet is displayed for extractivism and exploitation. Capitalism has produced a world that is at the same time imagining and producing its own creative destruction through financial mechanisms of domination such as credits and endowment systems that are expanding without limits, crystallizing life as a constant self reproduction of our own exploitation, domestication and total surveillance. It is truly disturbing to think of the obsession of civilization to discover, imagine, produce worlds of progress- even the conquest of space- while at the same time creatively destroying earth seems to be a sinister paradox for humanity and its instinctive rationale. Again Bifo:

“I use the word collapse in a sense that is not metaphorical, but rather a clinical description of what is going on in the western mind. I use the word collapse in order to express a real pathological crash of the psycho-social organism. What we have seen in the period following the first signs of economic crash, in the first months of the new century, is a psychopathological phenomenon, the collapse of the global mind. I see the present economic depression as the side-effect of a psychic depression. The intense and prolonged investment of desire and of mental and libidinal energies in labour has created the psychic environment for the collapse which is now manifesting itself in the field of economic recession, in the field of military aggression and of a suicidal tendency.”

When we imagine and talk about reconstructing everything, what do we punctually mean? Is it that we refer to the propagation of a interweaving of actions, processes, change of habits that open the possibility to live and imagine our life in a different way than those routines established inside capitalism? I am certain that there are no pre established responses to finish with capitalist horror, no answer that produce immediate personal and collective imaginary and concrete autonomies. So the path in the struggle for freedom is a temporal fecund space for social transformation, revolt and justice.

What does it mean to negate irrational progress and hyper technological civilization? Is it only to cooperate with the collapse of the city as a medular point for the constant reconfiguration of capitalism or in what practices is it important to think of the destruction of civilization as it is concretely manifested today in plant earth? If negation means the resurgence of solidarity as a practice between localities, communities, individuals, between precarious classes for the proliferation of autonomous territories and relationships, then negating progress and modernity as an imminent cultural process through material destruction is important and essential for the real manifestation of a postcapitalist world. In a generalized case of global insurrection and revolutionary processes we could imagine a world that is constantly blockading the flux of commodities, services and capital, but producing at the same time the communication between struggles and resistance all over the world. So instead of reconciling hardcore pro marxist ethos that stands for the social appropriation of technology with the most primitivist stances for total destruction of any trace of industrial civilization and its technology, we should start assuming that we must take care of both presidential possibilities of re appropriation of technologies and its simultaneous destruction (insisting in the destruction of the means of productions, infrastructures of power) then we may start experiencing resistance in its complex and contradictory spectrum: both of creation and destruction and inseparable in the construction of our collective liberty.

Dismantling power means to evict power from space. Power and its elite may be taken, occupied, attacked, destroyed, deviated, re appropriated and at the same time we liberate zones from the influence of authoritarian institutions and regulators. Dismantling power produces social spaces where dispute and conflict of interest is a force for the construction of collectivity and self determination outside state or capital influence.

I dreamt that all luxuries and cars disappear forever: they transform into trash, gardens or informal homes for urban nomads…

Suddenly, we shorten the distances between present and utopia and then it is possible to break with the mythical cycle of work-consume enslavement and ongoing dispossession while we gain time for collective study and individual experimentation, destroying debts, routines and spaces that oppress us, generating spaces outside the influence of Authoritarianism and repression, deviating communities from the actual economic logics that present individuals as mere disposable commodities in a global domination network that destroys earth as a whole.

So what? I have no answer. All we can do is what we are actually doing already: the self-organisation of cognitive work is the only way to go beyond the psychopathic present. I don’t believe that the world can be governed by Reason. The Utopia of Enlightenment has failed.

But I think that the dissemination of self-organised knowledge can create a social framework containing infinite autonomous and self-reliant worlds.

The process of creating the network is so complex that it cannot be governed by human reason. The global mind is too complex to be known and mastered by sub-segmental localised minds. We cannot know, we cannot control, we cannot govern the entire force of the global mind.


The night is falling over the monster city and its perpetual insomnia, the sky is restless . Clouds are full with water. Even though they are completely blackened, they still let me see the dramatic scale of the city. The menacing storm is staying behind while I descend in the sinking city. The Boeing 705 descends in the middle of houses and buildings, it seems like the airport is another highway more inside the city. It landed precisely while thousands of car/cells started turning on their lights so it seemed as a strange welcoming sign for the worned out passengers that couldn't notice what just happened. We just landed in an ambivalent territory-city of stones and cement overimposed one over the other. The flight was after ten hours finally catched by Mexico City's urban web that lies over a dried up lake.

Coming to Mexico City, the defectuoso, chilangolandia, DF, Monster City by air gives us the possibility of having a perfect cenital view of the magnitude of the urban catastrophe over the social body of the city: emotively, irrationally, I am suddenly sensibilized by the unbearable scale of the city unsuccessfully protected by mountains and volcanoes. The urban stain passed long ago the natural frontiers of the megalopolis. I say unsuccessfully, because the metropolitan zone of Mexico City (including the 16 delegaciones or districts that conform it) has been pragmatically eaten by the surrounding municipalities of the neighbor State Estado de México. Together they agglomerate the mega-territory of dispossession. Say hello to the disputed, alienated, unapproachable city. Thinking about it I try to rest while all passengers rush to descend while the plane liles calmly after the turbulent landing over the, monstrous, enormous sucked belly of this ancient and profound opaque place.

Ciudad Monstruosa2015

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Original (English): city sinks

Translation: © Pincheblackpress .

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